The FCC’s 3.5 GHz Tiered-Use Plan: Paradigm Shift, Experiment or Both?

In a series of posts over the past two months I’ve discussed a range of initiatives aimed at using unlicensed spectrum to support the growing demand for wireless connectivity. To put these efforts in a forward-looking context, it’s helpful to get a sense of what changes are in the works in terms of expanding the amount of spectrum available for unlicensed use.

In this post I’m going to focus on the most recent development on this front: the FCC’s April 17 decision to make 150 MHz of spectrum (3550-3700 MHz) available for new licensed and unlicensed commercial use, while retaining protections for existing military and other incumbent users of this spectrum.

In a statement accompanying the Commission’s April 17 vote, Chairman Tom Wheeler described three key principles underlying the agency’s move to establish the Citizens Broadband Radio Service:

First, we are leveraging advances in computing technology to rely on an innovative Spectrum Access System to automatically coordinate access to the band. It’s the traditional frequency coordination role, but modernized using advanced technologies to maximize efficiency.

Second, we are using auctions to grant exclusionary interference protections only when the spectrum is actually scarce. Under our rules, anyone with a certified device can use the spectrum, sharing it with others. In areas where the spectrum is scarce, users can participate in an auction to seek a license to gain priority access to the band.

Third, in cooperation with our federal partners, we are creating a new way to share spectrum with federal users. By leveraging the Spectrum Access System and technologies to monitor and sense when a federal user is present, we can move toward true dynamic sharing of the band between federal and non-federal users.

As a reflection of this cooperation, the Commission, working with NTIA and Department of Defense spectrum users, reduced the latter’s coastal protection zones by roughly 77%.

In her statement, Commissioner Mignon Clyburn pointed to a “paradigm shift [in] the [FCC’s] move away from highly fragmented long term exclusive use licenses to shorter term Priority Access Licenses [PAL] with a rule to use it or share it with General Authorized Access users.”

These new regulatory approaches will create enough certainty to fuel investment in equipment for the 3.5 GHz band and the new PAL license will have lower administrative costs and allow for micro-targeted network deployments. Service providers will have flexibility in designing networks to address unique challenges posed by rural and other areas, and by using a Spectrum Access System database to dynamically assign frequencies in the band for both PAL licenses and GAA users, there will be more efficient use of spectrum in heavily populated areas.

Though the ruling was approved in part and concurred in part by the agency’s two Republican Commissioners, their statements described it not as a “paradigm shift” but rather as an “experiment” that may or may not succeed, and could have been improved in several respects.

For example, Commissioner Michael O’Rielly appeared to disagree with Clyburn about whether the new rules provided enough clarity and incentives for potential PAL licenses to invest:

I am concerned that some rules may hinder development of the Priority Access Licenses, known as PALs. I question whether auctioning PALs for three year terms with no renewal expectancy will create a meaningful incentive to entice auction participants. Similarly, while I thank the Chairman for agreeing to changes that facilitate PALs in areas where there is more than one auction bidder, I had hoped our rules would include a mechanism whereby any entity could receive a PAL even if mutually exclusive applications, which are necessary to trigger an auction, are not filed in a particular census tract. The Commission ought to encourage a diverse array of business models. Many entrepreneurs, even those living in rural communities, have told me of their strong preference for PALs, which they explain would ensure better reliability and quality of service. Our rules must not foreclose these prospective licensees from obtaining PALs just because they are the only one in a given census tract wanting priority access. We need to fix this in the near term.

And, according to Commissioner Ajit Pai:

This Order leaves many important details and complex questions to be resolved, including whether technologies will develop that can manage the complicated and dynamic interference scenarios that will result from our approach. It therefore remains to be seen whether we can turn today’s spectrum theory into a working reality. Moreover, exclusion zones still cover about 40% of the U.S. population, and we leave the door open for the introduction of new federal uses across the country, neither of which is ideal.

Regardless of which description—“paradigm shift” or “experiment”—is most apt, the Commission’s new approach to the 3.5 GHz band strikes me as a worthy effort to move beyond the longstanding spectrum management status-quo, and creatively use technology to explore new models that enable both licensed and unlicensed users to deliver more value from existing spectrum. And, even if some aspects of this new model do prove problematic, it should at least provide valuable lessons to inform future efforts to craft spectrum policy appropriate for the 21st century.

And some aspects of the 3.5 GHz rules remain subject to further refinement, pursuant to a Further Notice of Proposed Rulemaking also issued by the Commission.

Primary takeaways

  • Digital inequality shows larger impacts on youth academic performance as compared to time spent on screens.

  • Digital skills play a significant role in mediating unstructured online engagement (social media use, playing video games, browsing the web) and youth academic, social, and psychosocial development.

  • Unstructured online engagement and face-to-face social interaction are complementary and continuously interact to create and enhance youth capital outcomes.


A familiar story: concerns of screen time

Today’s discussions of adolescent well-being have coalesced around a clear narrative: teenagers spend too much time online, and their academic performance, mental health, and social lives are deteriorating as a result. A steady stream of academic papers, books, and op-eds, alongside a growing number of policy proposals––school phone bans, age-gated social media use, restrictive screen-time limits––rest on the same underlying claim, aligning with a contemporary, digitized version of the displacement hypothesis:

Screen time, particularly the unstructured, free-time spent on social media, gaming, watching video content, or browsing the web, is said to displace the productive face-to-face activities that build adolescents into capable adults.

The implied and often practiced solution is restriction. In response, this dissertation tested this claim directly, and placed it within the broader context of adolescence.

Across three years, I followed 653 Michigan adolescents from early through late adolescence: in grades 8 or 9 (survey one, 2019) to grades 11 or 12 (survey two, 2022). Notably, these students, studied over time, were part of a broader pooled sample of 5,825 students across the same eighteen highschools. The study window captured the year before and the year after the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic and related lockdown orders, functioning as an unprecedented stress test for theories of adolescent social, academic, and digital life and, importantly, as a benchmark to compare the effects of pandemic-related change and inequality to those effects from screen time alone.

Across four studies of adolescents, consisting of six cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses, findings are not consistent with the displacement narrative, nor the broader concerns about the time youth spend on screens.

Findings are, however, consistent with something the current public and (most) academic discussions have largely overlooked or ignored: the gaps and inequalities that determine whether adolescents can access and use the internet meaningfully in the first place.

What the displacement hypothesis overlooks

Displacement and related research and policy concerning the time young people spend online assumes a “zero-sum” model of adolescent day-to-day time. An hour online is an hour not spent studying, reading, sleeping, or interacting face-to-face (i.e., time spent on more productive or developmentally “better” activity).

Indeed, this makes sense logically. However, as an empirical claim, this model requires time spent online to behave differently from all other ways adolescents allocate time; it must produce uniquely negative outcomes and be inherently harmful across digital contexts, rather than the typical mix of trade-offs corresponding to, and often overlooked among any other social or developmental context.

Yet, online time does not differ from other youth activity. Instead, I find it has a mix of pros, cons, and even some “uniquely digital” benefits which youth utilize for social and academic gains. When I compared unstructured digital media use against traditional face-to-face interaction and activities, both produced similar patterns: some negative associations with academic outcomes, some null, and some positive.

Trade-offs within traditional face-to-face activity (for example, social time with friends and family, or time spent in after-school extracurriculars) are treated as ordinary developmental experiences that must be experienced for the betterment of development. The identical trade-offs involving digital time tend to be overlooked or ignored, and online engagement is perceived as altogether harmful.

A growing body of evidence, including this dissertation, do not support that distinction. Indeed, the developmental context is routinely misread, leaving out the context of the experiences and time spent on digital, as well as face-to-face activities, interactions, existing inequalities, and changes inherent to development. As such, I proposed a novel framework to understand these contexts:

Digital capital exchange

Rather than treating screen time as a unified harm, this dissertation advances an exchange”-based framework, grounded in James Coleman’s theories of youth capital and digital inequality scholarship, particularly following Eszter Hargittai, Jan van Dijk, and Alexander van Deursen (see this list of all dissertation references for full works).

The core proposition is that adolescents’ online engagement is not an alternative to developmental activity but another, albiet modern domain through which young people accumulate and mobilize online resources––particularly digital skills––that work alongside existing social networks and experiences to be exchanged for human capital (measured as: academic achievement, aspirations, STEM interest) and social capital (peer networks, community participation, extracurricular involvement).

Online time is not the mechanism; instead, it is digital skills that I find to be the most vital component in youth capital exchange and enhancement. Unstructured online engagement contributes to online skills; those skills, accumulated and mobilized alongside existing peer, family, and community networks, translate into the outcomes researchers and parents care about, i.e., academic achievement, aspirations, and face-to-face interaction and social networks.

This digital capital framework treats online and in-person contexts as complementary rather than antagonistic, and it situates adolescents’ digital lives within the structural conditions––connectivity quality, device reliability, autonomy of use––that determine whether exchange can occur at all.


Methods (in brief)

Paper-and-pencil surveys were administered to students in classrooms at two time-points: spring 2019 (N=2,876) and spring 2022 (N=2,949), across the same eighteen predominantly rural Michigan schools, grades 8–12. Official, nationally-ranked standardized reading, writing, and math test scores (PSAT 8/9, PSAT 10, SAT; College Board) were then anonymously linked to students’ survey responses with the help of participating districts.

Cross-sectional path analyses modeled pooled and wave-specific samples (pooled N=5,825); two-wave cross-lagged panel models tested reciprocal, longitudinal relationships on the 653 students who completed both surveys. Multi-group analyses of the cross-lagged panel models compared relationships between girls (N=345) and boys (N=308). All longitudinal models included time-invariant socioeconomic covariates as well as time-varying covariates to reduce omitted-variable bias.

Key findings: an overview

To summarize, to the best of my ability, eight chapters across 376 pages, I present two primary findings:

First: digital inequality predicted larger and more consistent declines in human capital than screen time did.

Unreliable home internet and technology maintenance problems––experiencing and/or dealing with broken or outdated devices and software, restrictive school-issued hardware, issues with connecting to or maintaining internet access––decreased youth GPA and standardized test achievement. And, these effect sizes were substantially larger than any negative direct effect from unstructured digital media use.

Across all four empirical studies, digital inequality emerged as the most substantial predictor of academic and developmental decline.

Second: digital skills mediated the relationship between online time and adolescent academic and social outcomes.

Unstructured digital media use, particularly online gaming and web browsing, predicted higher internet and social media skills for adolescents, which in turn predicted stronger academic achievement and self-efficacy (human capital), and social interaction and extracurricular participation (social capital). The positive indirect effect of screen time through skills offset or exceeded any small negative direct effects across several outcomes (supporting our existing peer-reviewed work: Hales & Hampton, 2025, and which you can read more about here).

These exchange processes were amplified when peer and family networks were modeled alongside digital skills, consistent with the premise that online and offline contexts operate together rather than in competition. The effect was not universal: social media skills amplified rather than offset a negative association with consistency of interest, one of the two subscales of grit. The exchange framework describes a contextual and conditional, domain-specific mechanism, not a blanket defense of time spent online.

Implications

If digital inequality, and not screen time, is the primary predictor of adolescent academic and developmental decline, and still warrants concern regarding access quality and experience even with the broader adoption of digital devices across the United States, the current policy emphasis on restriction is pointed at the wrong target. The evidence supports a different set of priorities.

Stable, reliable home (fast) broadband should be treated as an educational prerequisite rather than a consumer amenity. Unreliable connectivity exerted larger downward pressure on human capital than any measure of screen time, and that pressure intensified during the pandemic-era reliance on digital infrastructure. Technology maintenance, device repair, replacement, technical support, and the flexibility to install software and explore the web autonomously, matters as much as initial access, and school-issued devices that restrict autonomous use appear to hinder skill accumulation rather than support it.

Restrictive parental mediation of internet use was negatively associated with grit and self-efficacy at magnitudes comparable to the positive contributions of face-to-face activity. This challenges the assumption that digital restriction functions protectively. Instructive mediation, teaching adolescents to verify information, navigate platforms critically, and mobilize online resources toward meaningful ends, is the posture the data supports.

Finally, the technical skill-building that occurs through gaming, self-directed exploration, and deep web use is skill-building, not wasted time. Closing the persistent gender gap in these domains likely requires legitimizing technical play for girls, rather than restricting it for everyone.

None of the above is an argument that screen time is benign. It is an argument that screen time is the wrong focus, particularly when studied mostly in isolation. Context matters substantially, whether that is time spent on other activities during adolescence, the period of adolescence itself, digital inequality, resources gained from such online use, and how all such factors interact. The factor that predicts whether a given adolescent can convert online engagement into capital outcomes is structural: access, infrastructure, skills, and the autonomy to use them. These factors are distributed unevenly, and its uneven distribution, not hours logged, is what separates adolescents who thrive from those who fall behind.

The full dissertation is available through Michigan State University’s ProQuest archive, or see the embedded full-text PDF below. I’m happy to share papers, preprints, or the underlying framework with anyone interested and working in this area––don’t hesitate to reach out via my contact form. Thanks for reading.

The FCC’s 3.5 GHz Tiered-Use Plan: Paradigm Shift, Experiment or Both?